By Slavoj Žižek
At the present time, millions of individuals, desirous to break out conflict, violence and poverty, are crossing the Mediterranean to hunt safe haven in Europe. Our reaction from our secure eu point of view, argues Slavoj Žižek, bargains models of ideological blackmail: both we open our doorways as commonly as attainable; or we strive to tug up the drawbridge. either ideas are undesirable, states Žižek. They in basic terms lengthen the matter, instead of tackling it.
The refugee predicament additionally provides a chance, a distinct probability for Europe to redefine itself: yet, if we're to take action, we need to begin elevating disagreeable and tough questions. We also needs to recognize that enormous migrations are our destiny: in basic terms then will we decide to a delicately ready means of swap, one based now not on a group that sees the excluded as a probability, yet one who takes as its foundation the shared substance of our social being.
The simply method, in different phrases, to get to the center of 1 of the best concerns confronting Europe this day is to insist at the international cohesion of the exploited and oppressed. perhaps such unity is a utopia. yet, warns Žižek, if we don’t have interaction in it, then we're rather misplaced. And we'll need to be misplaced.
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Additional resources for Against the Double Blackmail: Refugees, Terror and Other Troubles with the Neighbours
In discussions of terrorism and assassination one’s choice of examples is obviously crucial, especially for the consequentialist. Critics of terrorism and assassination prefer to choose examples where these actions fail to achieve the results sought by their perpetrators, and the implication is that there is something in the complex web of history which makes such failures virtually inevitable. But these critics forget that the most important assassination of the twentieth century, that of Archduke Ferdinand, achieved exactly the goal sought by the perpetrators, namely the liberation of Serbia from the Austro-Hungarian Empire.
Violence violates necessarily, while force does not, at least not necessarily. But what does violence violate? Newton Garver writes, ‘What is fundamental about violence in human affairs is that a person is violated…. ’2 But is it true, as Carver suggests, that violence in violating a person necessarily violates his rights? What I question in comparisons of force and violence is the lesson these comparisons allegedly teach, namely that violence is always or necessarily a species of wrongdoing while force is not, or at least need not be, any such thing.
Finally, in the contemporary discussion of rights we find the denial that rights can conflict, conflicts now being thought to occur only in the area of rival or competing claims to a right: on this analysis there could only be competing prima-facie claims to a right, and a right would obtain only in cases where a primafacie claim was shown to be valid. Instead of trying here to decide which of these ways of thinking about natural rights is ultimately the correct one, let us regard them simply as three possible descriptions of the alleged natural right not to be harmed or injured.