Over the last thirty years, when Japan has produced a various set of youngster cultures that have had a massive impression on pop culture around the globe, it has additionally built a succession of youngster difficulties that have ended in significant issues in the state itself. Drawing on designated empirical fieldwork, the authors of this quantity set those concerns in a essentially articulated ‘social constructionist’ framework, and placed forth a sociology of jap early life difficulties which argues that there's a convinced predictability in regards to the means within which those difficulties are came across, outlined and dealt with.
The chapters contain case experiences overlaying matters such as:
• Returnee little ones (kikokushijo)
• Compensated relationship (enjo kōsai)
• Corporal punishment (taibatsu)
• Bullying (ijime)
• baby abuse (jidō gyakutai)
• The withdrawn formative years (hikikomori) and
• NEETs (not in schooling, employment or training)
By reading those numerous social difficulties jointly, A Sociology of eastern adolescence explains why specific adolescence difficulties seemed after they did and what classes they could offer for the examine of adlescent difficulties in different societies.
This e-book can be of big curiosity to scholars and students of jap society and tradition, the sociology of Japan, jap anthropology and the comparative sociology of juvenile studies.
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Additional resources for A Sociology of Japanese Youth: From Returnees to NEETs (Nissan Institute/Routledge Japanese Studies)
Allowing one to distinguish oneself from those of lower rank. This symbolic form of capital is of relevance to the class hierarchy in a society in as much as it can be converted into ‘real’ capital in certain circumstances. The great prestige enjoyed by an individual, the good reputation of a particular family, the ostentatiously displayed wealth of a great man often furnishes people with opportunities to attain economic capital as well, in line with the motto: ‘to everyone that has (symbolic) capital, (economic) capital shall be given’.
This places a question mark over the entire structuralist terminology of rules and its underlying premises. Bourdieu puts forward the counter-argument that the following of rules is always associated with an element of conflict. If rules are not, in fact, ignored entirely – which certainly occurs at times – every rule-based act of exchange, every rule-based conversation, every rule-based marriage must also at least protect or enforce the interests of those involved or improve the social position of the parties to interaction.
Yet, what is remarkable here is not just Bourdieu’s proximity to (neo-) utilitarianism, which was a recurrent feature of his work. What is also of interest in this context is the fact that Bourdieu’s position appears not to be entirely consistent. For even if we were to accept his ‘theory of habitus’, which does not assert that action is entirely determined, we would still be faced with the problem of explaining the actors’ room for manoeuvre with respect to action, the flexibility of action within the boundaries set by the habitus.